mardi 4 mars 2014

L3 UNIT 4: Civil Courts of England and Wales


Exercise 2: p. 46

Text 1: Flood (Respondent) v Times Newspapers Limited (Appellant) [2012] UKSC 11

The matter at hand is a case of libel involving the publisher of The Times and a Detective Sergeant with the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) Extradition Unit.

(Note that libel cases are tried by jury.)

In response to allegations by the publisher of The Times (in an article) that he may have taken advantage of his position as Detective Sergeant to disclose confidential extradition information to a security firm (a third party) in exchange for money, the (aforementioned) Police Officer (i.e. the claimant) brought / issued a claim for libel (against the journalist, i.e. the respondent).

In first instance the High Court (in all likelihood the Queen’s Bench Division) found that the journalist was justified in publishing his article pursuant to the Reynolds privilege which protects journalists whenever the public interest is at stake.

The Police Officer appealed the High Court’s decision to the Court of Appeal, which reversed the High Court’s finding.

In turn, the Journalist (being at this stage of the procedure “the appellant”) petitioned the Supreme Court which unanimously allowed the appeal.

Holding that the journalist was indeed allowed to base his defence on the Reynolds privilege (/to resort to the Reynolds privilege for his defence), reversed the Court of Appeal’s decision.

Preliminary issue (preliminary point of law): In civil proceedings, an issue ordered to be tried before the main trial of the case. An order for the trial of a preliminary issue may be made by the court if the preliminary issue (which may be a question of law) will be decisive or potentially decisive in the case. (Under Part 3 of the Civil Procedure Rules the court has the power to dismiss or give judgement on a claim after a decision on a preliminary issue)



Text 3: The Rugby Football Union (Respondent) v Consolidated Information Services Limited (Formerly Viagogo Limited)

This case concerning a breach of contract involves the RFU and Viagogo Limited (i.e. the litigants).

In order to enhance its popularity, the Rugby Football Union allocates tickets to clubs, schools, or referee societies which in turn sell those tickets to their members and to the public.

The terms of the contract specify that the tickets remain at all times the property of the RFU and that clubs are only entitled to resell these tickets at face value.  

Such clubs resort to ticket re-sale websites, such as Viagogo, enabling buyers to purchase those tickets, in return for a cut (a percentage) of the price of the ticket.

It came to the attention of the RFU, however, that certain tickets were sold at a price exceeding by a large amount the original price of the ticket.

As Viagogo refused to disclose the identity of sellers using its website, the RFU (the claimant) brought a claim against Viagogo (issued proceedings against Viagogo – the respondent) to protect its policy in relation to tickets.

Given the considerable amount of money at stake, the case in first instance was heard by the High Court.

The Court found that, the RFU was entitled to know the identity of the sellers having committed a breach of contract so it could obtain redress and consequently granted an order (Norwich Pharmacal order) demanding that Viagogo disclose / reveal the identity of such sellers.

On appeal Viagogo claimed that the order issued by the High Court represented a disproportionate infringement on the rights of potential wrongdoers (i.e. the clubs which used the website) as protected by Article 8 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, which guarantees the protection of personal data.

The Court of Appeal (civil division) upheld the High Court decision. It found that there being no other way for the RFU to have access to the identity of wrongdoers to obtain redress, the High Court Norwich Pharmacal order was justified and that the interference with the personal data rights of sellers was proportionate to the claim of the RFU.
Viagogo then petitioned the Supreme Court, which unanimously dismissed the appeal. 



Exercise 1 (p. 42) : 

Complete the following sentences. Write only one sentence

1- While a civil action encompasses any dispute raised between a claimant against a defendant, 
criminal actions are launched by the Crown Prosecution Service which prosecutes one or 
several defendants for an alleged criminal offence. 
2- Unlike slander which is made orally, libel is construed as a permanent form of defamation, 
whether it be written in the press and on a website or expressed in works of art. 
3- Divisional courts have appellate jurisdictions over cases heard in county courts, and 
sometimes magistrates’ courts, and are present in each of the three branches of the High 
Court of Justice. 
4- In order to avoid a trial, parties to a civil litigation are usually strongly advised to settle their 
disputes through ADR or arbitration. 
5- Multi-track cases refer to complex cases which are usually allocated to the High Court of 
Justice. 

Grammar (p. 50-51):

1-Complete the following phrases with the right preposition: 
1- To be liable FOR something 
2- To claim damages FOR something 
3- To entitled TO compensation 
4- To bring a case AGAINST someone
5- To fine someone FOR something 
6- To sue FOR an injunction 

2- Find the missing prepositions in the following text: 
Inside justice: London Rent Assessment Panel 
Samir Jeraj observes an independent panel settle private rental disputes, including a rare case of a flat with 
'fair rent' controls. Guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 30 October 2012 16.11 GMT 
I arrive at the London Rent Assessment Panel near Goodge Street for a 9:30am hearing. [...] One of 
five Rent Assessment Panels in England, the quasi-judicial body aims to settle disputes between 
private landlords and tenants in London. The hearing room itself is intimate setting with two 
panellists and the involved parties sitting at tables. 
The first case is from a tenant contesting a rise in her current rent, which is just over £600 per 
month for a two-bed flat near Goodge Street. Like much of the property in the area, the lower floors 
have been shops and workshops, with the top floor remaining as a flat for some exhausted Victorian 
or Edwardian shopkeeper to retire to. The landlord, a large property company, gives some 
background. They purchased the whole building a few years ago and with it came the tenant who 
was entitled to stay under the law. The landlord wants to upgrade the flat - the rest of the building 
has been refurbished and they claim the the flat is "very dated". The somewhat unknown condition 
of the flat's interior is the key to deciding how much the rent can be raised. 
The tenant, an articulate woman in her early 40s, gives her own version of the recent history. The 
flat goes back to her uncle, a man who became the tenant there in 1965 when there was still a small 
factory downstairs. She moved in with him and, when he passed away, took on the tenancy herself. 
According to her, the flat has no central heating or fitted kitchen, and the windows and gutters are 
also in a poor condition. […] 
The last hearing is […] one of a dying breed, a historical aberration. The one bed flat is still 
protected by the 1977 Rent Act, one of maybe 100,000 in the UK that operate the rent controls 
subsequently abolished in 1988. Under this Act, rents can only rise by an amount liked to the retail 
price index, what's termed "Fair Rent". Unfortunately, the tenant hasn't turned up, so the panel 
proceeds with the landlord's case. The one-bed flat is in St John's Wood, where a comparable flat 
would be rented out for £24,000 a year. Just nearby on Abbey Road, a similar flat was being 
advertised at £23,900. […] The tenants and landlords will receive a decision notice within 28 days. 
The hearings are over by lunchtime, which means the committee can carry out their visits in the 
afternoon, and decide what the rent should be.

L2 UNIT 3: Britain's Uncodified Constitution


Reading Comprehension (p. 22) :
A written constitution for the UK is ‘inevitable’, says First Minister Carwyn Jones
D. Read the article and answer the following questions:

1. Explain the term in the article ‘multiple centres of democratic accountability’.

The transfer of certain limited powers from the UK parliament to regional governments (like
the national Parliament in Scotland, the national Assembly in Wales and the national Assembly in N.
Ireland) has resulted in the creation of devolved systems of government. 
Even though the devolved systems have certain powers to make decisions in certain matters (education, health, depending on the region), the UK parliament still retains authority over the devolved institutions and the powers given to the regional governments can be withdrawn at any time.  These regional governments with delegated powers, though not wholly controlled by the UK parliament remain accountable to it.  

2. Describe the powers of the UK Parliament with reference to the text.

The text indicates that the UK parliament can withdraw all powers delegated to the devolved
administration at any time; it insists on the sovereignty of the UK Parliament as it possesses the
authority to make its own laws, amend them, and enforce changes that can become effective
immediately (like abolishing the Scottish parliament without a vote); and the UK parliament
functions within the framework of an unwritten constitution and changes can take place according to
the will of the parliament.

3. Why does Carwyn Jones insist on the need for a written constitution? 

First Minister Carwyn Jones insists on the need for a written constitution to state clearly the
extent of devolved powers to its regional governments. He also speaks of the need for safeguards to protect the devolved institutions from being dissolved by the Parliament without a vote. 



Reading Comprehension: Summary
This document comments on Welsh First Minister Carwyn Jones’s calls for a codified constitution for the UK.
C. Jones contends that the need to protect local assemblies in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland demands / requires a written codified constitution. Under the current system, these assemblies may be repealed by Westminster at any time (like any other statute) without a vote by the people.
Should they be enshrined / If they were enshrined in a written constitution, it would be impossible for Westminster to scrap regional parliaments without putting the question to the people.
Such a move would, without a doubt, put an end to the very principle of parliamentary sovereignty and would certainly officialise the fact that the UK is a looser entity with multiple centres of democratic accountability.
Yet, far from threatening its existence, a codified constitution would actually strengthen the UK as it could well convince Scotland to abandon its efforts to break away from the UK to become independent.


Exercise 1 (p. 42) : 

Complete the following sentences. Write only one sentence

1- While a civil action encompasses any dispute raised between a claimant against a defendant, 
criminal actions are launched by the Crown Prosecution Service which prosecutes one or 
several defendants for an alleged criminal offence. 
2- Unlike slander which is made orally, libel is construed as a permanent form of defamation, 
whether it be written in the press and on a website or expressed in works of art. 
3- Divisional courts have appellate jurisdictions over cases heard in county courts, and 
sometimes magistrates’ courts, and are present in each of the three branches of the High 
Court of Justice. 
4- In order to avoid a trial, parties to a civil litigation are usually strongly advised to settle their 
disputes through ADR or arbitration. 
5- Multi-track cases refer to complex cases which are usually allocated to the High Court of 
Justice. 

Grammar (p. 50-51):

1-Complete the following phrases with the right preposition: 
1- To be liable FOR something 
2- To claim damages FOR something 
3- To entitled TO compensation 
4- To bring a case AGAINST someone
5- To fine someone FOR something 
6- To sue FOR an injunction 

2- Find the missing prepositions in the following text: 
Inside justice: London Rent Assessment Panel 
Samir Jeraj observes an independent panel settle private rental disputes, including a rare case of a flat with 
'fair rent' controls. Guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 30 October 2012 16.11 GMT 
I arrive at the London Rent Assessment Panel near Goodge Street for a 9:30am hearing. [...] One of 
five Rent Assessment Panels in England, the quasi-judicial body aims to settle disputes between 
private landlords and tenants in London. The hearing room itself is intimate setting with two 
panellists and the involved parties sitting at tables. 
The first case is from a tenant contesting a rise in her current rent, which is just over £600 per 
month for a two-bed flat near Goodge Street. Like much of the property in the area, the lower floors 
have been shops and workshops, with the top floor remaining as a flat for some exhausted Victorian 
or Edwardian shopkeeper to retire to. The landlord, a large property company, gives some 
background. They purchased the whole building a few years ago and with it came the tenant who 
was entitled to stay under the law. The landlord wants to upgrade the flat - the rest of the building 
has been refurbished and they claim the the flat is "very dated". The somewhat unknown condition 
of the flat's interior is the key to deciding how much the rent can be raised. 
The tenant, an articulate woman in her early 40s, gives her own version of the recent history. The 
flat goes back to her uncle, a man who became the tenant there in 1965 when there was still a small 
factory downstairs. She moved in with him and, when he passed away, took on the tenancy herself. 
According to her, the flat has no central heating or fitted kitchen, and the windows and gutters are 
also in a poor condition. […] 
The last hearing is […] one of a dying breed, a historical aberration. The one bed flat is still 
protected by the 1977 Rent Act, one of maybe 100,000 in the UK that operate the rent controls 
subsequently abolished in 1988. Under this Act, rents can only rise by an amount liked to the retail 
price index, what's termed "Fair Rent". Unfortunately, the tenant hasn't turned up, so the panel 
proceeds with the landlord's case. The one-bed flat is in St John's Wood, where a comparable flat 
would be rented out for £24,000 a year. Just nearby on Abbey Road, a similar flat was being 
advertised at £23,900. […] The tenants and landlords will receive a decision notice within 28 days. 
The hearings are over by lunchtime, which means the committee can carry out their visits in the 
afternoon, and decide what the rent should be.

L2 UNIT 6: Question Time: Tony Blair v. David Cameron (2006)


L2 UNIT 6: UK Parliament tour

House of Commons Chamber



House of Lords Chamber

Visiting Parliament: Online tours
http://www.parliament.uk/visiting/online-tours/

dimanche 17 mars 2013

L2 UNIT 8: Worksheet on Devolution in Northern Ireland


Recommended Websites:

Northern Ireland Assembly
http://www.niassembly.gov.uk/

RTE : Radio Telefis Eireann
cf 23rd February 2008: Martin McGuinness

Web link on Bloody Sunday:

Interactive map:

BBC documentary in 6 parts on The Hunger Strike at the Maze Prison in 1981:

.
Recommended films:


Paul Greengrass’s Bloody Sunday, 2002.

Steve McQueen’s Hunger, 2008.


Ken Loach’s The Wind that Shakes the Barley, 2006.



Neil Jordan’s Michael Collins, 1996.



Recommended book:
Brian Moore’s Lies of Silence

Chronology of British Prime Ministers:

1964-70: Harold Wilson (Labour)
1970-74: Edward Heath (Conservative)
1974-76: Harold Wilson
1979-79: James Callaghan (Labour)
1979-90: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)
1990-97: John Major (Conservative)
1997-2007: Tony Blair (New Labour)
2007-2010: Gordon Brown (New Labour)
2010- (…) : David Cameron (Conservative), in coalition with Nick Clegg and the Liberal Democrats

Chronology of Northern Ireland First Ministers:

1943-1963: Viscount Brookeborough
1963-1969: Terence O’Neill
1969-1971: James Chichester-Clark
1971-1972: Brian Faulkner (gave his resignation on 24th March 1972, when Edward Heath removed control of security from the government of Northern Ireland, and appointed a Secretary of State for the province.)





Unionist political parties:

Since the creation of Northern Ireland in 1921, the Ulster Unionist Party held approximately two thirds of the seats in Stormont (the Northern Irish Parliament).
The supremacy of Unionism was guaranteed by the polarisation of the political “debate”. Each vote was in favour or against the constitutional status quo. O’Neill’s reform attempts created divisions within the party. Those in favour of the reform were ready to compromise. The Conservatives within the party wanted to maintain the institutionalisation of the protestant power. Many supporters of O’Neill left the party to found a new party which aimed to unite Protestants and Catholics in a cross-community movement: the Alliance Party created in April 1970[1].

To the right of the spectrum, the Democratic Unionist party (DUP) was founded in September 1971 by the charismatic leader Ian Paisley and dissidents from the Ulster Unionist Party. This party denounced any concession as treason. This party became the second unionist political party.

Unionist extra-parliamentary groups: which stemmed from divisions within the unionist party.

The Ulster Vanguard was founded in 1972 by William Craig, former Home Secretary in the Stormont Government). Craig attempted to reshape unionism by unifying loyalist political and paramilitary groups. The Independence of Ulster was to be preferred to a re-unification of the whole Ireland.

Unionist paramilitary groups:

UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force): The acronym was adopted in 1966, 50 years after the Easter Rising of 1916. It started a series of attacks and assassinations against Catholics and Nationalists, and became the most feared loyalist paramilitary group. Denounced by O’Neill as early as June 1966, it specialised in “tit-for-tat” killings: sectarian killings committed randomly as a retaliation against IRA attacks on the Protestants.
A political wing of the movement developed in 1977 under the name: Progressive Unionist Party (PUP)

UDA (Ulster Defence Association) was created in 1971. It was an exclusively a working-class organisation. With some 40 000 members in 1972, the UDA quickly became the biggest paramilitary organisation in Northern Ireland.
The UDP (Ulster Democratic Party) that is, the political wing of the movement was founded in 1981.

Nationalist Political Movements:

SLPD: The Social Democratic and Labour Party, was founded in 1970 by a group of anti-unionist MPs in The Stormont Parliament.
It was composed of Labour Republicans (cf: Gerry Fitt, leader of the new party), of independents who had been involved in the Civil Rights Movement (cf: John Hume) and of a nationalist MP)
The party advocated a moderate form of socialism and gained the support of the majority of Catholics in Northern Ireland. It was opposed to violence, and recommended a co-operation between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. It was in favour of the re-unification of Ireland (that is the end of Partition) by constitutional means, and with the consent of the Unionist population.

Sinn Fein, The IRA and the Provisional IRA:
Sinn Fein: The movement splits in the 60s. A majority of the party wants to give up the policy of abstention in parliament and focus on the political area.
A minority: the Provisional IRA (PIRA) decides to maintain military actions and the policy of abstention. The PIRA is responsible for most of the terrorist attacks committed on the republican side.


[1] (Le parti attirait aussi des membres du Parti Nationaliste et du parti Travailliste nord-Irlandais.)